今天聽了馬英九的就職演說，除了痛心，還是痛心… 當下便決定將兩屆台灣人陳總統水扁先生的就職演講保存下來，以免真正有水準的就職講稿從此無聲堙滅… 畢竟，中國國民黨啥事都幹得出來，抄家滅族原是家常便飯! 君不見台北市府人員在他 馬的就任前一晚，就笑得合不攏嘴的"加班"拆下台灣人總統的照片嗎? 平常要市府公務員加班，像要他/她們命似的! 當晚卻硬是讓總統玉像空白幾個小時，彷彿預告台灣即將進入無政府狀態…
2004年陳總統以「為永續台灣奠基」為題發表就職演說，就職演說全文為：
各位友邦元首、使節及代表團、各位貴賓、親愛的國人同胞：
感謝來自海內外的各位貴賓，共同參與中華民國第十一任總統、副總統的就職大典。今天我們在這裡所見證的，是台灣民主前進的腳步，也是兩千三百萬人民共同寫下的一個難能可貴的故事。
在此歡欣的國家慶典中，個人承受人民所賦予的莊嚴使命。此時此刻，在我的心中與腦海浮現的並不是華麗的讚詞，而是更大的責任、更多的謙卑、更深的省思。
在二十世紀的最後一年，台灣跨越了首次政黨輪替的歷史門檻，邁向民主發展的新里程。隨著新舊世紀的交替，我們同時走過一段崎嶇艱難的民主道路。在世紀首航的驚濤駭浪之中，舊有與新生並存、脆弱與堅強共生、危機與轉機同在。
對於華人社會以及其他的新興民主國家而言，台灣的民主不僅是一個試煉、也是一個示範。西方的民主政治經過千錘百鍊才有今日的水準，身為年輕的民主國家，歷經挫折磨練的台灣經驗更顯得彌足珍貴。台灣的經驗證明：民主不是坐享其成的烏托邦，也沒有一步到位的直達車，必須一點一滴的耕耘，才有一步一腳印的前進。
在第一波的民主化過程當中，從解除戒嚴、國會全面改選到總統直接民選，我們確立了主權在民的價值觀以及台灣的主體性。第二波的民主工程，重點在於公民社會的建立以及國家共同體的再造。
從社區公民意識的形成，到國家公共政策的參與，包括公民投票的實踐，都是公民社會權利義務的確認和提升，也促使我們發展更成熟、理性、負責的民主內涵。透過公民社會的建立，經由偕同參與、集體創造的土地認同與共同記憶，才能超越族群、血緣、語言、文化的侷限，邁向一個新的國家共同體的重建。
當前的台灣社會確實存在認同與族群的嚴肅課題，我們不需要掩飾，更不能夠漠視。身為執政者，包括阿扁個人和民主進步黨，都願意率先反省、坦誠面對，並且尋求有效的化解。
回想數百年前，我們的祖先跨越黑水溝，渡海來台尋找安身立命的所在。不論先來後到，儘管來自不同的地方，使用不同的語言，甚至懷抱不同的理想，最後都在這裡落地生根，彼此命運相同、休戚與共。不管是原住民、新住民、旅居海外的僑胞、注入新血的外籍配偶，包括在相同的太陽底下辛勤流汗的外籍勞工，都對這一塊土地有不可抹滅的奉獻，也都是台灣新家庭不可或缺的一部份。
不同的族群或許因為歷史記憶與民族情感而有認同的差異，但是彼此應該相互包容、用心理解。在過去威權戒嚴的時代，曾經存在族群地位的不平等和語言文化的壓抑，但是我們必須認知的是，除了極少數的當權者之外，所有的族群都是相同的受害者。在二二八事件和白色恐怖當中，受難者同時包括本省籍和外省籍，其成因要歸咎於當權者權力的濫用，而非族群的壓迫。
台灣是一個多數移民的社會，不是少數殖民統治的國家，沒有任何一個族群應該背負莫須有的歷史包袱。在今日的台灣，不管你出生在廣東或者台東，不管我們的母親來自越南或者台南，每一個人都擁有同樣的地位和尊嚴。阿扁認為，不管是認同台灣或者認同中華民國，其實都是相同的歸屬。「族群多元、國家一體」是台灣這一塊土地上最美好完整的圖像，沒有本土和外來之分，也沒有少數和多數之別，兩千三百萬台灣人民應該是一個命運相同、榮辱與共的整數。
這一次的總統大選空前的激烈，選舉結果揭曉之後，在野黨的候選人提出了質疑和訴訟。身為現任的總統，阿扁以最大的誠意表達完全尊重司法的獨立公正，不論結果如何，個人絕對願意坦然接受。阿扁相信，遵循法治、信任司法是解決爭端唯一的路，如果因為一次的選舉而推翻了人民對民主法治與司法獨立的信任，最後只會導致全民皆輸的結果。
今天的下雨來得正是時候，讓我們的激情降溫，讓我們冷靜下來，也讓我們頭腦更加清楚。
民主政治定期選舉的設計，除了實踐主權在民的原理之外，也是人民意向與社會價值的具體檢視。激烈的競爭，可以對政治人物有最直接的檢驗和啟示。包括阿扁個人以及執政的團隊，都在這次的選舉當中接受最嚴格的考驗，並且因此而反省改進。不同的陣營之間，難免有理念的差異、政策的辯論，甚至民眾的動員，但是，民主選舉的結果，不是成王敗寇的結局，更不應該演變為民眾之間的對立。政黨政治監督制衡的設計，乃是民主健全的根基。負責的執政黨以及忠誠的反對黨，都代表國民意志的一部分，也都是國家人民的政治資產。不管扮演執政或者在野的角色，都是人民所賜與的一個機會，也是一個責任。
個人認為，此次選舉最終的考驗，已經不是跨越多數門檻的問題，而是朝野全民如何跨過對立的圍牆、如何超越信任的鴻溝。不能夠因為選票的距離拉近，而使得社會的矛盾擴大。縱使無法消弭於一時，個人仍將繼續秉持「傾聽、理解、法理、團結」的用心，弭平選舉的對立、重建朝野的信任。
團結台灣、穩定兩岸、安定社會、繁榮經濟，這些都是當前人民殷切的期待，也是政府未來施政的首要。其中任何一項，都不是一人、一黨所能獨力完成，所以我要懇請在野政黨以及社會輿論共同支持鞭策，更要祈求人民賜給阿扁力量。
相信台灣，必須持續創造國家的競爭力，打造一個人文關懷、生態環保的永續家園。堅持改革，是要讓政治、司法、教育、金融、財政、媒體及社會的改革，回應人民長久的期待。相信就有力量，堅持才能實現理想。現在付出的一切努力，是要讓我們的下一代生活在一個符合社會正義、經濟正義、司法正義、性別正義、以及國際正義的公義新台灣。
當前，台灣面對全面、激烈、快速的國際競爭，如何凝聚全民的力量，進一步提升政府的效能已經是攸關國家發展的當務之急。但是，由於特殊的國情以及歷史的因素，使得政府效能的改造，立即面臨憲政體制的難題。
憲法是國家的根本大法，也是政府與人民的契約書。我國憲法囿於當初制訂的時空背景，絕大多數的條文早已不符台灣當前及未來所需。推動憲政改造的工程，重建憲政秩序，不僅是人民的期望，也已經獲得朝野政黨的共識。
憲政改造的工程是為了政府的良好管理及效能的提升、為了確立民主法治的根基，更是為了國家的長治久安。其中，立即而明顯的問題包括：三權分立或五權憲法、總統制或內閣制、總統選制為相對多數或絕對多數、國會改革及相關的配套條文、國民大會的定位與存廢、省政府組織的存廢、投票年齡的降低、兵役制度的調整、基本人權與弱勢權益的保障、國民經濟條款……等，可以說是工程浩大、影響至深。
為了避免重蹈過去十年內六次修憲的覆轍，憲政改造的工程不應該由一人或一黨主導，更不能只著眼於一時之便。未來，我們將邀請朝野政黨、法界、學界及各領域階層的代表，共同籌組憲政改造委員會，針對憲政改造的範圍及程序尋求社會最大的共識，並且接受人民及輿論的監督。
在 2008 年阿扁卸任總統之前，能夠交給台灣人民及我們的國家一部合時、合身、合用的新憲法，這是阿扁對歷史的責任，也是對人民的承諾。基於相同的責任與承諾，阿扁也深切瞭解，涉及國家主權、領土及統獨的議題，目前在台灣社會尚未形成絕大多數的共識，所以個人明確的建議這些議題不宜在此次憲改的範圍之內。至於首次憲改的程序，我們仍將依循現行憲法及增修條文的規定，經由國會通過之後，選出第一屆也是最後一屆的任務型國代，同時完成憲政改造、廢除國大、以及公投入憲，為民主憲政長遠的發展及未來人民公投複決國會憲改提案奠定開闊的基石。
過去四年，全球政經情勢產生明顯的變化，台灣面對國際新秩序的變動，除了必須自我提升、站穩腳步之外，在全球化的競爭與國際的合作之間，也必須尋求新的立足點。
長久以來，台灣與美、日及許多國際友邦的友誼基礎，不僅在於維護共同的利益，更重要的是建立在自由、民主、人權與和平的「價值同盟」關係。
台灣的民主發展與台海的和平穩定，一直備受國際關注。對於這些天涯若比鄰的友誼，個人要代表我國政府及人民再一次表達由衷的感謝。台灣人民愛好和平，我們絕對比任何人更關心自己的國家安全，面對海峽對岸持續增加的武力威脅，朝野全民應該凝聚堅強的國防意識，積極強化有效的防備，提升自我防衛的能力，也盼望國際社會繼續關注並協助維護台海的和平與亞太地區的穩定。
在此，阿扁號召大家、朝野全民以熱烈的掌聲感謝國際友邦的友誼及真情。
台灣願意持續以積極奉獻的角色參與國際社會，這是兩千三百萬人民應有的權利，也是我們做為世界公民的義務。在全球反恐的浪潮以及國際人道援助的行列中，台灣一直沒有缺席。過去這幾年，我們籌設民主太平洋聯盟、成立民主基金會，積極參與國際非政府組織，與地球村的其他成員共同分享並維護自由、民主、人權的普世價值。
台灣目前是世界第十五大貿易國，各項國際競爭力的評比都名列前茅，我們仍然經過十二年的努力，才得以成為世界貿易組織的第 144 個會員國，其中的艱辛不可言喻。如今，我們仍在鍥而不捨的努力加入世界衛生組織。去年 SARS 疫情蔓延的殷鑑不遠，基於醫療、衛生、防疫無國界以及基本人權的普世價值，台灣理應獲得更公平的對待。
在此，阿扁呼籲大家，我們更應團結同心，繼續努力，希望在未來兩年之內完成加入世界衛生組織的心願。
不久之前，歐洲聯盟熱烈的慶祝十個新會員國的加入。歐盟經過數十年的努力，在尊重個別國家及其人民自由意志的選擇之下，成功整合了歐洲人民共同利益的寶貴經驗，對於新世紀的全球局勢產生巨大的影響和衝擊。區域整合不僅是當前、也是未來的趨勢。這種區域整合加上全球化的發展，使得人類社會原有的國家主權原理，乃至於國界的藩籬，都產生結構性的變化。世界大同已經不是遙不可及的夢想。
海峽兩岸新世紀的領導人，為了創造人民最大的福祉，應該都能前瞻這個新趨勢，並且以全新的思維和格局，共同來面對和處理兩岸未來的問題。
兩岸人民曾經擁有共同的血緣、文化和歷史背景，過去一個世紀以來也都遭逢強權的欺凌和專制的統治。如今，兩岸人民都有站起來當家作主的堅強意願，這一點應該能夠獲得彼此充分的理解。
我們可以體會海峽對岸源於歷史情結與民族情感，無法放棄對於「一個中國原則」的堅持。相對的，北京當局也應該要充分瞭解，台灣人民要民主、愛和平、求生存、求發展的堅定信念。如果對岸不能夠體會兩千三百萬人民單純良善的心願，繼續對台灣施加武力的威脅和政治的孤立，無理的將台灣阻絕於國際社會之外，只會讓台灣的民心和海峽的對岸越離越遠。
中華民國在台澎金馬存在、台灣在國際社會存在的事實，不容許任何人以任何理由加以否定，這就是台灣人民集體意志之所在。過去半個世紀以來，兩千三百萬人民胼手胝足所創造的台灣經驗，不僅印證了中華民國存在的正面價值，也應該是華人社會及兩岸人民的共同資產。
歷史的緣故讓兩岸發展出相當不同的政治制度和生活方式，但是如果以積極的態度來看待兩岸發展的「異」與「同」，應該可以善加利用，走向進一步合作互惠的關係。台灣是一個完全自由民主的社會，沒有任何個人或政黨可以代替人民做出最後的選擇。如果兩岸之間能夠本於善意，共同營造一個「和平發展、自由選擇」的環境，未來中華民國與中華人民共和國或者台灣與中國之間，將發展任何形式的關係，只要兩千三百萬台灣人民同意，我們都不排除。
過去十幾年兩岸人民的互動交流，已經發展出極為密切的關係，對於兩岸關係的進展具有重要的價值與意義。未來，我們希望在既有的基礎之上，持續放寬並且擴大兩岸新聞、資訊、教育、文化、經貿交流的相關措施，推動兩岸恢復對話與溝通的管道，如此才能拉近彼此的距離，建立互信的基礎。
二十一世紀的前二十年，不僅是台灣要全面向上提升的關鍵轉型期，也是中國大陸邁向民主化及自由化的機遇期，雙方的政府理應掌握機會全力打拼，放眼於全球競爭的趨勢，不要再虛耗於政治爭辯的僵局。我們已經注意到，中共的領導人近來一再強調穩定發展的重要，強調十三億大陸人民的福祉，並且選擇「和平崛起」做為拓展國際關係的基調。我們也相信，北京當局應該認知維持台海和平的現狀，對於兩岸各自的發展以及亞太區域穩定的重要性。
個人深信，唯有兩岸致力於建設與發展，協商建立一個動態的和平穩定互動架構，共同確保台海的現狀不被片面改變，並且進一步推動包括三通在內的文化經貿往來，才能符合兩岸人民的福祉與國際社會的期待。
身為中華民國的總統，接受台灣人民的付託，個人必須捍衛國家的主權、安全與尊嚴，兼顧國家的永續發展及台海的和平穩定，匯聚全民的意志和共識，妥善處理兩岸未來的關係。今天，個人願意在此重申，公元 2000 年 520 就職演說所揭櫫的原則和承諾，過去四年沒有改變，未來四年也不會改變。在此基礎之上，阿扁將進一步邀集朝野政黨及社會各界共同參與，成立「兩岸和平發展委員會」，凝聚朝野的智慧與全民的共識，擬定「兩岸和平發展綱領」，共同策進兩岸和平穩定、永續發展的新關係。
各位貴賓、親愛的國人同胞，攤開世界地圖來看，台澎金馬只是太平洋邊的幾個小島，但是如果仔細檢視這些島嶼上美麗的山河、多元的族群、多樣的生態，細數兩千三百萬人民過去幾個世紀所寫下的政治、經濟、文化篇章，你會發現猶如進入一部精彩豐富的百科全書。海洋國家的包容，世界島的開闊，讓這一塊土地上的子民，視野和胸懷隨著地平線無限的延伸。
台灣的故事所以動人，不是因為天生麗質，而是歷經挫折砥礪、苦難錘鍊之後，所蘊含散發的光彩。這就是「台灣精神」，從我們的祖先一直流傳到我們每一個人的身上。
如今，歷史的火炬再一次交到阿扁的手上，也握在每一位國人同胞的手中。未來四年，阿扁自我期許能夠做到講誠信、存慈悲、大公無私、中道治國，更希望國人同胞給我支持、給我鞭策。
阿扁是一個平凡的人，我一直相信，沒有偉大的總統，只有偉大的人民可以成就偉大的國家。援引人民的力量，為民主永續、改革永續、人文永續、和平永續的國家發展奠基，讓台灣中華民國邁向團結和諧、公平正義、富足均衡、生生不息，這是歷史賦予阿扁的責任，也是人民交付的使命。
今年的 228 ，上百萬的民眾站在福爾摩沙這一塊土地上，不分族群、年齡、性別，手牽著手，築成一座長達五百公里的民主長城，完成一幅最美的台灣圖像。台灣不但要站起來，還要勇敢的走出去，在世界地圖上永續發展、屹立不搖。
親愛的國人同胞，讓我們一起對土地感恩、向人民致敬！讓我們繼續團結台灣、守護台灣、牽手向前，再一次寫下二十一世紀動人的台灣故事。
最後，敬祝中華民國國運昌隆！各位鄉親朋友及各位嘉賓健康快樂！謝謝大家！
President Chen Shui-bian's Inaugural Speech
Paving the Way for a Sustainable Taiwan
Heads of States, Diplomatic Envoys and Foreign Dignitaries, Distinguished Guests, and Fellow Citizens:
Firstly, I wish to thank our honorable guests, at home and from abroad, who have joined us today for the Inauguration Ceremony of the 11th-Term President and Vice President of the Republic of China. What we have come together to witness are the progressive steps of Taiwan's democracy, as well as a story, written jointly by the 23 million people of Taiwan—one that is extraordinary and truly remarkable.
On this joyous occasion of national celebration, I will assume the solemn duty bestowed upon me by the people. At this moment, that which fills my mind is not eloquent words of glory and exaltation, but rather, weighty thoughts of bigger responsibility, greater humility, and deeper self-reflection.
In the final year of the twentieth century, Taiwan crossed a historic doorsill, completing an unprecedented transfer of power between political parties, and ushering in a new era in our nation's democratic development. In that time of change over—between the old and the new century—our fledgling democracy found itself stumbling down a rugged path of trial and tribulation. Taiwan's maiden voyage into the new century came wrought with turbulence as the old and the new, the weak and the strong, the emergence of crisis and the rise of opportunity—all came clashing into co-existence.
In the eyes of Chinese societies and other emerging democratic states, Taiwan's democracy embodies not merely a democratic experimentation; it signifies an exemplary success. The standard of democracy achieved in Western nations is the tried result through the test of time. In comparison, Taiwan's newfound democracy, after weathering rough waters, has burgeoned into an even more precious accomplishment. Our experience also serves as testament that democracy does not come ready-made, nor is it a Utopian ideal. There is no express train to transport us to the final destination. Democratic advancement occurs only through constant and gradual endeavor, one step at a time.
In the initial stage of Taiwan's democratization—from lifting of the martial law, complete re-election of the national legislature to direct presidential election—we have vested sovereignty with the people and began fostering Taiwan's national identity. In the second stage, a greater emphasis is placed on the establishment of a civil society and on the rebuilding of unity through a sense of shared destiny.
From increased community and civic consciousness to broader participation in public affairs and national policymaking—including the holding of a referendum, the rights and duties of citizens in a civil society have been affirmed and further improved; and thereby, the development towards a more matured, rational, and responsive democracy. We must seek to establish a civil society, and through joint participation and collective efforts, to create an identity with this land and a common memory if we are to transcend the limitations of ethnicity, lineage, language and culture, and to build a new and unified sense of shared destiny.
In today's society, issues of identity and ethnicity are a serious matter that cannot be denied or deliberately overlooked. My colleagues and I, in the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) as the governing party, will lead the way in addressing such issues. We will take the first step and begin with candid self-reflection.
It was several hundred years ago that the generations before us traversed the “Black-water Channel” (Taiwan Strait) or crossed the great ocean to find a safe haven in Taiwan. No matter what year they arrived, regardless of their ancestral origins and their mother tongues, even in spite of their different hopes and dreams, all are our forefathers; all have settled down here and together faced a common destiny. Whether indigenous peoples or “new settlers,” expatriates living abroad, foreign spouses or immigrant workers who labor under Taiwan's blazing sun—all have made a unique contribution to this land and each has become an indispensable member of our “New Taiwan” family.
Various ethnic groups, because of their disparate history and distinctive subcultures, understandably hold divergent views and values. Recognizing such inherent differences, we should embrace one another with more tolerance and understanding. The authoritarian government of the past exploited inequality among different ethnic groups, suppressing native languages and cultures. Nonetheless, we must acknowledge that except for a few individuals in power, members of all ethnic groups have been victimized. The February 28 Incident and the “White Terror,” of which the victims include both the “Ben-sheng” (Taiwanese) and the “Wai-sheng” (Mainlanders), were not historical representations of subjugation by ethnic groups, rather, abuse of power by a ruling government.
The fabric of Taiwan society today is comprised mainly of diverse immigrant groups. It is not a minority-ruled colonial state; hence, no single ethnic group alone should undeservingly bear the burden of history. Presently, regardless of one's birthplace—be it Guangdong or Taitung, regardless of the origin of one's mother—be it Vietnam or Tainan, and regardless of whether an individual identifies with Taiwan or with the Republic of China, per se , a common destiny has bequeathed upon all of us the same parity and dignity. Therefore, let us relinquish our differentiation between native and foreign, and between minority and majority, for the most complimentary and accurate depiction of present-day Taiwan is of a people “ethnically diverse, but one as a nation.” A shared sense of belonging has become the common denominator among all the 23 million people of Taiwan.
This year's presidential election was marked by an exceedingly spirited campaign, hitherto unseen in history. The close results have prompted opposition parties to question the process and file legal charges contesting the results of the vote. As the incumbent president, I have, with the utmost sincerity, expressed my highest respect for the independence and fairness of our judicial system. I have also vowed to accept the result of its investigation regardless of the final outcome. It is my firm belief that abiding by and acceptance of the rule of law is the only conduit through which we can resolve conflicts—for, if we were to rebuke the trust placed by the people in Taiwan's democracy and independent judiciaries, then the end result would be that “everyone loses.”
In a democratic system, scheduled elections are designed for the exercise of sovereignty by the people. They also provide a channel through which popular will and social values can be regularly reassessed. Fierce competition in the realm of politics forces politicians to undergo the most direct form of evaluation, which often serves as their greatest inspiration. My campaign, likewise, was subjected to rather tough scrutiny during the election, as was my administration, but we have learned and improved as a result. In any election, sharp differences among competing political factions are inevitable. This could include contrasting ideologies, disparity in policy platforms, even variation in methods used to mobilize supporters. However, a democratic election is not equal to a “winner takes all” wager; nor should it lead to purposefully fueled antagonism among voters. The checks and balances system of multi-party politics constitutes a solid framework for democratic governance. An accountable governing party and a loyal opposition, together, represent the voice of the people; both are political assets of a free nation and a free people. Be it the governing party or the opposition, their respective roles are inherently bestowed by the people with an opportunity as well as a responsibility.
In my opinion, the ultimate challenge of this past election lay not as much in garnering a mandate as in the post-election hurdle of how to scale the wall of antagonism, and, in finding ways to reconcile the deep divide caused by distrust. We must not allow the narrow margin of victory to become a source of greater conflict in society. Thus, I hereby pledge to listen, to understand, to abide by laws and reasoning, and to strive to unify the people of Taiwan—so as to dissipate the animosity engendered by the campaign and rebuild a “bridge of trust” between the governing and opposition parties.
Unite Taiwan, stabilize cross-strait relations, seek social harmony, and reinvigorate the economy. These are the earnest hopes of the people and the preeminent mission of my new administration. But none of these objectives can be accomplished through an individual effort, nor can one political party do it alone. I shall go to the people with my plea for support, just as I stand here today, calling on the opposition parties and the voices of public opinion to join me in this historic endeavor.
BELIEVE IN TAIWAN —We must continue to foster national competitiveness and cultivate an atmosphere of humanitarianism, environmental protection, and sustainable development. PERSIST WITH REFORM —We shall forge ahead in response to the people's demand for reform in our political and judicial system, in the educational system, and in our financial and fiscal infrastructures; for improvement in the quality of our media; and, for comprehensive social reform. We shall be empowered by our faith in Taiwan; and we shall persevere in striving to achieve our goals. The efforts put forth today will translate into an enduring legacy for the future generations: a just new Taiwan where social justice, economic justice, fairness in our judicial system, gender justice, and international justice are realized.
In our face-off with increasingly fierce and vigorous competition on the international front, coalescing the power of the people and working expeditiously to enhance the efficiency of government mechanisms—these are tasks vital to Taiwan's sustained development. Yet, we must bear in mind that historic and political circumstances confine us to an existing constitutional framework that now poses the most direct impediment to effective governance.
The Constitution stands as the supreme legal basis of a nation, symbolizing a paramount contract between the government and the people. Our current Constitution was promulgated under circumstances that were very different from the society we know today, and the majority of the articles in the Constitution no longer address the present—much less the future—needs of Taiwan. The promotion of constitutional re-engineering and the re-establishment of the constitutional order are tasks that correspond with the expectations of the people and are in accordance with the consensus shared by all political parties.
The constitutional re-engineering project aims to enhance good governance and increase administrative efficiency, to ensure a solid foundation for democratic rule of law, and to foster long-term stability and prosperity of the nation. There are many problems in our current Constitution that need to be tackled, amongst which the more immediate and obvious include: whether to have a three-branch or five-branch separation of power; whether to adopt a presidential or parliamentary system of government; whether the president should be elected by a relative majority or an absolute majority; reform of the national legislature and relevant articles; the role of the National Assembly and its retainment versus abolishment; whether to suspend or abolish the provincial government; lowering of voting age; modification of compulsory military service requirements; protection of basic human rights and the rights of the disadvantaged; and, principles governing the running of the national economy. Indeed, this will be a project of grand scale that is certain to have significant impact.
To avoid repeating the same mistakes by past administrations—six rounds of constitutional amendments in ten years time—the proposed constitutional reform project must not be monopolized by one person or by a single political party, nor should it be undertaken merely for the short-term. In the future, we will invite members of the ruling party and the opposition parties, as well as legal experts, academic scholars and representatives from all fields and spanning all social classes, to collaborate in forming a “Constitutional Reform Committee.” Our aim will be to generate the highest level of social consensus on the scope and procedure of the constitutional reform, all of which are to be open to public scrutiny.
By the time I complete my presidency in 2008, I hope to hand to the people of Taiwan and to our country a new version of our Constitution—one that is timely, relevant and viable—this is my historic responsibility and my commitment to the people. In the same context, I am fully aware that consensus has yet to be reached on issues related to national sovereignty, territory and the subject of unification/independence; therefore, let me explicitly propose that these particular issues be excluded from the present constitutional re-engineering project. Procedurally, we shall follow the rules set out in the existing Constitution and its amendments. Accordingly, after the passage by the national legislature, members of the first and also the last Ad Hoc National Assembly will be elected and charged with the task of adopting the constitutional reform proposal as passed by the legislature, abolishing the National Assembly, and incorporating into the Constitution the people's right to referendum on constitutional revision. By so doing, we hope to lay a solid foundation for the long-term development of our constitutional democracy, and the people's right to referendum on legislative proposals for constitutional revision.
During the last four years, we have witnessed dramatic political and economic changes in the world. Taiwan, in the face of a new international order, must stand firm yet persevere in our ongoing quest to become a better and stronger nation. We must also endeavor to re-position ourselves in equilibrium between global competition and international cooperation.
Taiwan's long-term friendship with the United States, Japan and our allies in the world has been founded on the safeguarding of our common interests. More importantly, it is an alliance of core values that we share: freedom, democracy, human rights and peace.
Taiwan's democratic development, and peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait, remains a focal point of international attention. On behalf of our government and people, I would like to once again express our heartfelt gratitude for the friendship that has been extended to us—reminding me of the old adage “together though apart.” The people of Taiwan embrace peace. Needless to say, Taiwan's national security is of greater concern to us than to anyone else in the world. Faced with an ever-increasing military threat from across the Strait, it is imperative for all the people, including political adversaries, to forge a strong will to defend ourselves, proactively strengthening our defense equipment and upgrading our self-defense capabilities. It is our sincere hope that our friends in the international arena will continue to render their valuable attention and assistance to the cause of peace in the Taiwan Strait and stability in the Asia-Pacific Region.
Taiwan stands ready to continue in its role as active participant and contributor to international society—this is the right of Taiwan's 23 million people; likewise, it is our duty as citizens of the world community. In the global campaign against terrorism, Taiwan has never been absent. In international humanitarian assistance efforts, Taiwan has always been there. Other recent accomplishments include the founding of the Pacific Democratic Alliance and the establishment of the Taiwan Foundation for Democracy. We can show a vigorous record of participation in international non-governmental organizations (NGO's), in addition to our collaboration with other members of the global village in advocacy and defense of the universal values of freedom, democracy and human rights.
At present, Taiwan is the world's fifteenth largest trading nation, with high rankings in international competitiveness. Yet, it took twelve years of strenuous effort for Taiwan to become the 144th member of the World Trade Organization (WTO). We are still fighting relentlessly to join the World Health Organization (WHO). Last year's outbreak of the SARS epidemic has taught the world a hard lesson, that we are all equals in sickness and disease. Nevertheless, despite the WHO's creed that health care—encompassing medicine, public health and disease control—is a basic human right and should heed no borders, Taiwan remains unjustly locked out.
Not long ago, the European Union (EU) welcomed the accession of ten new member states. Following several decades of effort, with respect to each individual country and by the free choice of citizens, the EU has successfully integrated the common interests of the people of Europe. Such a valuable experience has far-reaching implications and will impact world order in this new century. From this we see that regional integration is not merely an ongoing but also a future trend. This trend, in addition to globalization, has led to fundamental changes in the conventional thinking of national sovereignty and territorial boundaries, such that envisioning “universal harmony” will no longer be an intangible ideal.
With the new century upon us, let the leaders on both sides of the Strait, in striving to attain the greatest welfare for their peoples, heed this new trend by adopting a brand new frame of mind—together, let us take a fresh, unparalleled approach in addressing future cross-strait issues.
The peoples on both sides share a common ancestral, cultural and historical heritage. In the past century, both have endured the repression of foreign powers and the domination of authoritarian rule. Both our peoples now share an indomitable resolve to stand up and be the masters of their own destiny, a sentiment that is worthy of our full, mutual understanding.
We can understand why the government on the other side of the Strait, in light of historical complexities and ethnic sentiments, cannot relinquish the insistence on the “One China Principle.” By the same token, the Beijing authorities must understand the deep conviction held by the people of Taiwan to strive for democracy, to love peace, to pursue their dreams free from threat, and, to embrace progress. But if the other side is unable to comprehend that this honest and simple wish represents the aspiration of Taiwan's 23 million people, if it continues to threaten Taiwan with military force, if it persists in isolating Taiwan diplomatically, if it keeps up irrational efforts to blockade Taiwan's rightful participation in the international arena, this will only serve to drive the hearts of the Taiwanese people further away and widen the divide in the Strait.
The Republic of China now exists in Taiwan, Penghu (The Pescadores), Kinmen and Matsu. This is a fact. Taiwan's existence as a member of international society is also a fact. Such realities cannot be negated by anyone for any reason—for therein lies the collective will of the people of Taiwan. A half century of toil and labor by the people of this land has culminated in what is now known as the “Taiwan Experience,” the fruits of which validate the existence of the Republic of China and, what is more, have become the proud assets, not only of the peoples on both sides of the Taiwan Strait, but of all Chinese societies.
History has given rise to the development of two very different political systems as well as two dissimilar ways of life on either side of the Taiwan Strait. However, if we make a concerted effort to find some positive aspect of our differences and commonalities, perhaps we shall discover a wonderful opportunity, a catalyst for building a cooperative and mutually beneficial relationship. Taiwan is a completely free and democratic society. Neither single individual nor political party can make the ultimate choice for the people. If both sides are willing, on the basis of goodwill, to create an environment engendered upon “peaceful development and freedom of choice,” then in the future, the Republic of China and the People's Republic of China—or Taiwan and China—can seek to establish relations in any form whatsoever. We would not exclude any possibility, so long as there is the consent of the 23 million people of Taiwan.
For more than a decade, interaction between the peoples on both sides has grown closer and more intense. This development bears great significance and increases the importance of furthering cross-strait relations. In the future, we hope to continue pushing forth current liberalization measures while expanding cross-strait exchange across the spectrum—from journalism and information to education and culture, to economics and trade—and to promote the establishment of channels for resuming cross-strait dialogue and communication. By building bridges, we will aim to close gaps and establish a foundation for mutual trust.
The first two decades of this century will be a crucial time for Taiwan to pursue a comprehensive program of upgrading and transformation; it also represents an opportune moment in history for Mainland China to move forward with democratization and liberalization. Therefore, governments on both sides should seize this timely opportunity to take on the challenges of global competition, advocating for progress and development instead of dwelling on the impasse of political debate. We have taken note that Chinese Communist Party leaders repeatedly emphasize the importance of steady development for the welfare of Mainland China's 1.3 billion people, hence, the espousal of “peaceful emergence” as its tone for developing international relations. We have no doubt the Beijing authorities recognize that maintaining the peacefulstatus quo in the Taiwan Strait is of vital importance to sustainable development for our respective sides and for the stability of the Asia-Pacific region as a whole.
It is my belief that both sides must demonstrate a dedicated commitment to national development, and through consultation, establish a dynamic “peace and stability framework” for interactions; that we must work together to guarantee there will be no unilateral change to the status quo in the Taiwan Strait; and, additionally, we must further promote cultural, economic and trade exchanges—including the three links—for only in so doing can we ensure the welfare of our peoples while fulfilling the expectations of the international community.
As the President of the Republic of China, I have been mandated by the people of Taiwan to defend the sovereignty, security and dignity of this nation, to chart our country's sustainable development, to safeguard peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait, to seek consensus and garner the collective support of all the people, and to carefully manage future relations across the Strait. Today I would like to reaffirm the promises and principles set forth in my inaugural speech in 2000. Those commitments have been honored—they have not changed over the past four years, nor will they change in the next four years. Upon this foundation, my next step will be to invite both the governing and opposition parties, in conjunction with representatives from various walks of the society, to participate in the establishment of a “Committee for Cross-Strait Peace and Development,” combining the collective insight and wisdom of all parties and our citizenry, to draft the “Guidelines for Cross-Strait Peace and Development.” The goal will be to pave the way for formulating a new relationship of cross-strait peace, stability and sustainable development.
Honorable guests and fellow citizens, if we look at a map of the world, Taiwan, Penghu, Kinmen and Matsu may seem like a tiny cluster of islands in the margins of the Pacific Rim. However, if you take a closer look, what you will discover are orchestral mountain ranges, painted with singing rivers, adorning some of the world's most bountiful ecological landscapes. Amidst the lush forestry and abundant wildlife, there is a human chain linking together 23 million warm smiles descended from an ethnic rainbow, with a history that spans across centuries and reflects a myriad of cultural heritage juxtaposed with political evolution and economic transformation— enough to fill an encyclopedia. Taiwan is a tolerant, oceanic country, a small but proud island connected to all corners of the world. Galvanizing these attributes will empower us to expand our visions and unleash our minds far beyond the horizon.
The story of Taiwan touches people's hearts. But, what inspires awe, more than its natural beauty, is the coloring that reflects the triumphant experience of overcoming hardship, trials and tribulations. This is the “Spirit of Taiwan,” a gift passed through the generations, a glow which emits from the faces of the Taiwan people.
Now, the torch of history has once again been passed into my hand; each of you also holds the torch in your hands. I have set a goal for myself, that, during the next four years, I will continue to uphold the principles of sincerity and honesty, compassion and benevolence, unselfishness and impartiality in leading our country down the “middle road.” I ask my fellow compatriots to stand by me in this endeavor. I will be counting on your support and encouragement.
I am just an ordinary man. I have always believed that there is no such thing as a great president, for only a great people can create a great country. Fueled by the power of the people, let us work together. Together, let us lay the foundation for our long-term national development—for sustainable democracy, sustainable reforms, sustainable humanities, and sustainable peace. Let Taiwan, the Republic of China, work toward solidarity and harmony, fairness and justice, prosperity and equality. History has endowed upon me this responsibility. It is a mission entrusted to me by the people.
On February 28 of this year, more than one million people stood on the land of Formosa, irrespective of ethnic affiliation, age, or gender. Hand in hand, they formed a mesmerizing “wall of democracy” some five hundred kilometers long, spanning the full length of the island and completing a breathtaking portrait of Taiwan. The time has come for Taiwan to stand tall, to reach out with courage and conviction. Let us mark a sustainable and firm place in the world.
My fellow citizens, let us be thankful for this land and let us pay tribute to the greatness of the people. We must unite for the sake of Taiwan. Together, we must defend our Taiwan, as we stride proudly forward into the twenty-first century. Once again let us hand-in-hand author the next chapter in this most inspirational story of twenty-first-century Taiwan.
Finally, let us wish the Republic of China great prosperity. And to all my fellow citizens, dear friends and honorable guests, may health and happiness be with you always.
Thank you.
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