顯示具有 歷屆民選總統就職演說-full text 標籤的文章。 顯示所有文章
顯示具有 歷屆民選總統就職演說-full text 標籤的文章。 顯示所有文章

2008年5月20日 星期二

2008 馬英九就職演說-disaster-Part1

友人說,原稿的文字過於激昂,可能會嚇到一些剛開始關懷國是的網友,所以,我決定將日誌的情緒隱藏,有心人當能心有慽慽吧…

看完馬氏的就職演說,我難忍心緒波動… 如果馬氏的目的是要挑釁、激怒台灣人,那他是相當成功了。

我無法置信一個民主國家的總統就職演講,竟能說出如此肅殺、幾近求戰的詞令! 如他所言,台灣的民主的確是經歷了顛簸,但這顛簸的源頭不正是馬氏的中國國民黨嗎?  台灣自美麗島事件以來,一路爭取的言論、集會、組黨等基本自由與人權、廢除戒嚴、司法獨立、萬年國會改革、全民直選總統、軍隊國家化、公民投票、以至台灣本土認同… 等等。請問,上述種種民主進步是向誰爭取?  是誰站在民主的對面猙獰而笑?  馬氏就職演說既為公開,我們就來好好檢驗、分析其深意。

馬: 過去這一段波折的歲月裡,人民對政府的信賴跌到谷底,政治操作扭曲了社會的核心價值,人民失去了經濟安全感,台灣的國際支持也受到空前的折損,值得慶幸的是,跟很多年輕的民主國家相比,我們民主成長的陣痛期並不算長…
倘若上述陳述為真,對於馬氏的尖酸刻薄,我們除了遺憾也只能內自省。但事實卻非如此, 過去八年中國黨佔國會席次過半,掌立法、預算、重要人事同意之大權,更有九成媒體為其宣傳工具,中國黨本可利用此龐大政治、媒體力量,合作建設台灣。可惜,中國黨竟"不甘"行政權輪替,2000年以降瘋狂反扁、策紅杉暴動、抵制良法之立陋法之修、凍結行政預算、百般阻撓公投權力、扭曲宣傳國際政經情勢、製造社會不安、操縱族群對立、消泯台灣主體意識、阻擋世界博覽會之舉辦、拒還不義黨產、極盡抹黑、抵毀民進黨之能事… 種種劣跡可謂罄竹難書。馬氏此段公開演說根本是變造事實,將中國黨人的罪業,嫁栽予台灣人政權!!! 這是強姦人的喊救命!!! 全然顛倒是非!!!!! 

馬氏又說我們的民主陣痛期不長… 此語總算道破玄機。 那些阻擋改革、佔盡便宜的惡質特權者,若只是少了些油水,當然是不疼不痛! 台灣經歷了人類史上極黑暗的種族屠殺、最長久的白色恐怖。馬氏尚為此言,是加害者的囂張無忌!  轉型正義,豈能無謂???

馬: 台灣人民卻能展現日趨成熟的民主風範,在關鍵時刻,作出明確的抉擇:人民選擇政治清廉、經濟開放、族群和諧、兩岸和平與迎向未來。
馬氏此言,是對民主的無知,更是侮辱! 民主的選擇,無關對錯,只是一時偏好的眾數。美國法學博士無知如斯,實令人咋舌! 再者,選舉既為求眾數,必有相對少數持不同意見。馬氏謬讚765萬支持他的選民為明智,試問,未選擇馬氏的544萬選民豈為失智? 依馬氏邏輯,這544萬人是缺乏民主風範、畏畏縮縮地選擇政治骯髒、經濟封閉、族群對立、主張暴力的面對未來! 這無疑是對選民的極大侮辱!! 

馬: 尤其重要的是,台灣人民一同找回了善良、正直、勤奮、誠信、包容、進取這一些傳統的核心價值。
此段再一次"重申"對選民、對民主的辱侮! 選了馬氏,就是找回了善良、正直…而當初2000、2004選了民進黨的,以及2008沒投給馬氏的 544萬人,是背棄良善、是迷失於殘酷、奸佞、懶隋、欺瞞、陝隘、墮落之中! 馬氏對民主認知之荒謬、態度之踞傲,當真令人驚艷!!

馬: 顯然,中華民國已經成為一個受國際社會尊敬的民主國家。
這一句顯然又與我個人認知有了差距。請問 "中華民國" 受那一個國家尊敬了? 我們連UN的議程都沒資格排入,UN一個周邊組織(WHO)的觀察員都沒位子! 24個邦交國意在金援。其餘200餘國家,誰尊敬"中華民國"了? 1971年聯合國2758決議早認定"中華民國"不復存在,其存續政權叫做"中華人民共和國"!! 馬氏如此昧於事實,不知是無知,還是存心騙誘? 回想選前,馬氏批阿扁總統不懂外交,令台灣孤立無援、樹立敵人; 而今 馬上  就改口,說台灣是亞洲的民主典範、世界的民主燈塔,備受尊敬! 這是選前騙選民,還是選後騙自己????  英國BBC, Reuters, 美國CNN, 澳洲ABC, 日本朝日新聞英文版… 1971以降可曾出現過 Republic of China ????? 全世界都用TAIWAN稱呼我們,只有兩個地方例外,中國以及馬氏的中國國民黨! "中華民國"只存在於歷史及馬氏等中國黨人的迷夢中。

馬: 不過,我們不會以此自滿。我們要進一步追求民主品質的提升與民主內涵的充實,讓台灣大步邁向「優質的民主」
"說"的好,那就請馬英九坐言而後"起行",用中國黨完全控制的國會力量展示誠意,立刻著手 1、補正公投法,2、改善不公選制,3、通過陽光法案,讓台灣大步邁向優質的民主!!! 否則,馬氏這段演說只怕難逃謊言之譏議!

馬: 在憲政主義的原則下,人權獲得保障、法治得到貫徹、司法獨立而公正、公民社會得以蓬勃發展。台灣的民主將不會再有非法監聽、選擇性辦案、以及政治干預媒體或選務機關的現象。這是我們共同的願景,也是我們下一階段民主改革的目標。
雖然馬氏不是哈佛法律系的,至少還算是法"學院"畢業生,應該知道"憲政主義"是個定義不明確的詞彙,馬氏難道不必稍作界定、解釋,讓台灣人了解一下所指為何嗎? 再者,台灣難道不算是實現了憲政主義嗎? 根據演說內容來看,答案是否定的,同時也一併否定了民進黨的改革。也就是說,照馬氏邏輯,民進黨的8年無法改善過去國民黨55年統治下的人權戕害、法治不彰、司法不公、公民社會黯然,白色恐怖迫害,檢察官選擇性辦案,黨國體係干預媒體、選務機關失德敗行…等亂象。 中國黨絕對控制台灣55年來都做不好 (尤其馬氏亦身處其中並居要職),這短短四年能做什麼、要如何做? 演說中對基本方針付之闕如,是不負責任的隨便說說,難道新任總統是想混水摸魚打爛仗! 總統若這麼好幹,大家抽籤決定就好,何必勞民傷財? 

馬: 在開票當天,全球有數億的華人透過電視與網路的直播,密切關注選舉的結果。因為台灣是全球唯一在中華文化土壤中,順利完成二次政黨輪替的民主範例,是全球華人寄以厚望的政治實驗。如果這個政治實驗能夠成功,我們將為全球華人的民主發展作出史無前例的貢獻,這是我們無法推卸的歷史責任。
別再濫用"中華文化"了… 63年前,屬於日本國土的台灣根本沒有"中華文化",馬氏,請到你們中國國民黨的國史館看看密祕史料,去翻翻George H. Kerr寫的「被出賣的台灣」(Formosa Betrayed),去認清你所謂的 "中華文化" 是如何以鐵絲、刀槍、子彈插入台灣人血淋淋的身上。63年後的今天,所謂"中華文化"亦早不復存在歷經文化大革命的赤色中國!!!  那苟延殘存的、由中國人暴力插進台灣體內的"中華文化",只是今日台灣多元文化元素中的一小部份。你一再堅持虛幻的大中華沙文主義,只是顯露膚淺無知、陝隘心胸! 別說世界觀了,就連最基本的國內觀都不及格!!!    
再者,什麼叫"如果這個政治實驗成功"?!! 原來,馬氏把我們台灣人當成白老鼠,我們台灣人是他們支那黨的實驗活體??!!  難怪這麼多支那黨人死命取得美國綠卡、公民權,原來是為了實驗失敗的保留後路… (待續)

2004年陳水扁總統就職演說-Good!

今天聽了馬英九的就職演說,除了痛心,還是痛心… 當下便決定將兩屆台灣人陳總統水扁先生的就職演講存下來,以免真正有水準的就職講稿從此無聲堙滅… 畢竟,中國國民黨啥事都幹得出來,抄家滅族原是家常便飯! 君不見台北市府人員在他 馬的就任前一晚,就笑得合不攏嘴的"加班"拆下台灣人總統的照片嗎? 平常要市府公務員加班,像要他/她們命似的! 當晚卻硬是讓總統玉像空白幾個小時,彷彿預告台灣即將進入無政府狀態… 


2004年陳總統以「為永續台灣奠基」為題發表就職演說,就職演說全文為:

各位友邦元首、使節及代表團、各位貴賓、親愛的國人同胞:

   感謝來自海內外的各位貴賓,共同參與中華民國第十一任總統、副總統的就職大典。今天我們在這裡所見證的,是台灣民主前進的腳步,也是兩千三百萬人民共同寫下的一個難能可貴的故事。

   在此歡欣的國家慶典中,個人承受人民所賦予的莊嚴使命。此時此刻,在我的心中與腦海浮現的並不是華麗的讚詞,而是更大的責任、更多的謙卑、更深的省思。

   在二十世紀的最後一年,台灣跨越了首次政黨輪替的歷史門檻,邁向民主發展的新里程。隨著新舊世紀的交替,我們同時走過一段崎嶇艱難的民主道路。在世紀首航的驚濤駭浪之中,舊有與新生並存、脆弱與堅強共生、危機與轉機同在。

   對於華人社會以及其他的新興民主國家而言,台灣的民主不僅是一個試煉、也是一個示範。西方的民主政治經過千錘百鍊才有今日的水準,身為年輕的民主國家,歷經挫折磨練的台灣經驗更顯得彌足珍貴。台灣的經驗證明:民主不是坐享其成的烏托邦,也沒有一步到位的直達車,必須一點一滴的耕耘,才有一步一腳印的前進。

   在第一波的民主化過程當中,從解除戒嚴、國會全面改選到總統直接民選,我們確立了主權在民的價值觀以及台灣的主體性。第二波的民主工程,重點在於公民社會的建立以及國家共同體的再造。

   從社區公民意識的形成,到國家公共政策的參與,包括公民投票的實踐,都是公民社會權利義務的確認和提升,也促使我們發展更成熟、理性、負責的民主內涵。透過公民社會的建立,經由偕同參與、集體創造的土地認同與共同記憶,才能超越族群、血緣、語言、文化的侷限,邁向一個新的國家共同體的重建。

   當前的台灣社會確實存在認同與族群的嚴肅課題,我們不需要掩飾,更不能夠漠視。身為執政者,包括阿扁個人和民主進步黨,都願意率先反省、坦誠面對,並且尋求有效的化解。

   回想數百年前,我們的祖先跨越黑水溝,渡海來台尋找安身立命的所在。不論先來後到,儘管來自不同的地方,使用不同的語言,甚至懷抱不同的理想,最後都在這裡落地生根,彼此命運相同、休戚與共。不管是原住民、新住民、旅居海外的僑胞、注入新血的外籍配偶,包括在相同的太陽底下辛勤流汗的外籍勞工,都對這一塊土地有不可抹滅的奉獻,也都是台灣新家庭不可或缺的一部份。

   不同的族群或許因為歷史記憶與民族情感而有認同的差異,但是彼此應該相互包容、用心理解。在過去威權戒嚴的時代,曾經存在族群地位的不平等和語言文化的壓抑,但是我們必須認知的是,除了極少數的當權者之外,所有的族群都是相同的受害者。在二二八事件和白色恐怖當中,受難者同時包括本省籍和外省籍,其成因要歸咎於當權者權力的濫用,而非族群的壓迫。

   台灣是一個多數移民的社會,不是少數殖民統治的國家,沒有任何一個族群應該背負莫須有的歷史包袱。在今日的台灣,不管你出生在廣東或者台東,不管我們的母親來自越南或者台南,每一個人都擁有同樣的地位和尊嚴。阿扁認為,不管是認同台灣或者認同中華民國,其實都是相同的歸屬。「族群多元、國家一體」是台灣這一塊土地上最美好完整的圖像,沒有本土和外來之分,也沒有少數和多數之別,兩千三百萬台灣人民應該是一個命運相同、榮辱與共的整數。

   這一次的總統大選空前的激烈,選舉結果揭曉之後,在野黨的候選人提出了質疑和訴訟。身為現任的總統,阿扁以最大的誠意表達完全尊重司法的獨立公正,不論結果如何,個人絕對願意坦然接受。阿扁相信,遵循法治、信任司法是解決爭端唯一的路,如果因為一次的選舉而推翻了人民對民主法治與司法獨立的信任,最後只會導致全民皆輸的結果。

   今天的下雨來得正是時候,讓我們的激情降溫,讓我們冷靜下來,也讓我們頭腦更加清楚。

   民主政治定期選舉的設計,除了實踐主權在民的原理之外,也是人民意向與社會價值的具體檢視。激烈的競爭,可以對政治人物有最直接的檢驗和啟示。包括阿扁個人以及執政的團隊,都在這次的選舉當中接受最嚴格的考驗,並且因此而反省改進。不同的陣營之間,難免有理念的差異、政策的辯論,甚至民眾的動員,但是,民主選舉的結果,不是成王敗寇的結局,更不應該演變為民眾之間的對立。政黨政治監督制衡的設計,乃是民主健全的根基。負責的執政黨以及忠誠的反對黨,都代表國民意志的一部分,也都是國家人民的政治資產。不管扮演執政或者在野的角色,都是人民所賜與的一個機會,也是一個責任。

   個人認為,此次選舉最終的考驗,已經不是跨越多數門檻的問題,而是朝野全民如何跨過對立的圍牆、如何超越信任的鴻溝。不能夠因為選票的距離拉近,而使得社會的矛盾擴大。縱使無法消弭於一時,個人仍將繼續秉持「傾聽、理解、法理、團結」的用心,弭平選舉的對立、重建朝野的信任。

   團結台灣、穩定兩岸、安定社會、繁榮經濟,這些都是當前人民殷切的期待,也是政府未來施政的首要。其中任何一項,都不是一人、一黨所能獨力完成,所以我要懇請在野政黨以及社會輿論共同支持鞭策,更要祈求人民賜給阿扁力量。

   相信台灣,必須持續創造國家的競爭力,打造一個人文關懷、生態環保的永續家園。堅持改革,是要讓政治、司法、教育、金融、財政、媒體及社會的改革,回應人民長久的期待。相信就有力量,堅持才能實現理想。現在付出的一切努力,是要讓我們的下一代生活在一個符合社會正義、經濟正義、司法正義、性別正義、以及國際正義的公義新台灣。

   當前,台灣面對全面、激烈、快速的國際競爭,如何凝聚全民的力量,進一步提升政府的效能已經是攸關國家發展的當務之急。但是,由於特殊的國情以及歷史的因素,使得政府效能的改造,立即面臨憲政體制的難題。

   憲法是國家的根本大法,也是政府與人民的契約書。我國憲法囿於當初制訂的時空背景,絕大多數的條文早已不符台灣當前及未來所需。推動憲政改造的工程,重建憲政秩序,不僅是人民的期望,也已經獲得朝野政黨的共識。

   憲政改造的工程是為了政府的良好管理及效能的提升、為了確立民主法治的根基,更是為了國家的長治久安。其中,立即而明顯的問題包括:三權分立或五權憲法、總統制或內閣制、總統選制為相對多數或絕對多數、國會改革及相關的配套條文、國民大會的定位與存廢、省政府組織的存廢、投票年齡的降低、兵役制度的調整、基本人權與弱勢權益的保障、國民經濟條款……等,可以說是工程浩大、影響至深。

   為了避免重蹈過去十年內六次修憲的覆轍,憲政改造的工程不應該由一人或一黨主導,更不能只著眼於一時之便。未來,我們將邀請朝野政黨、法界、學界及各領域階層的代表,共同籌組憲政改造委員會,針對憲政改造的範圍及程序尋求社會最大的共識,並且接受人民及輿論的監督。

   在 2008 年阿扁卸任總統之前,能夠交給台灣人民及我們的國家一部合時、合身、合用的新憲法,這是阿扁對歷史的責任,也是對人民的承諾。基於相同的責任與承諾,阿扁也深切瞭解,涉及國家主權、領土及統獨的議題,目前在台灣社會尚未形成絕大多數的共識,所以個人明確的建議這些議題不宜在此次憲改的範圍之內。至於首次憲改的程序,我們仍將依循現行憲法及增修條文的規定,經由國會通過之後,選出第一屆也是最後一屆的任務型國代,同時完成憲政改造、廢除國大、以及公投入憲,為民主憲政長遠的發展及未來人民公投複決國會憲改提案奠定開闊的基石。

   過去四年,全球政經情勢產生明顯的變化,台灣面對國際新秩序的變動,除了必須自我提升、站穩腳步之外,在全球化的競爭與國際的合作之間,也必須尋求新的立足點。 
長久以來,台灣與美、日及許多國際友邦的友誼基礎,不僅在於維護共同的利益,更重要的是建立在自由、民主、人權與和平的「價值同盟」關係。

   台灣的民主發展與台海的和平穩定,一直備受國際關注。對於這些天涯若比鄰的友誼,個人要代表我國政府及人民再一次表達由衷的感謝。台灣人民愛好和平,我們絕對比任何人更關心自己的國家安全,面對海峽對岸持續增加的武力威脅,朝野全民應該凝聚堅強的國防意識,積極強化有效的防備,提升自我防衛的能力,也盼望國際社會繼續關注並協助維護台海的和平與亞太地區的穩定。

   在此,阿扁號召大家、朝野全民以熱烈的掌聲感謝國際友邦的友誼及真情。

   台灣願意持續以積極奉獻的角色參與國際社會,這是兩千三百萬人民應有的權利,也是我們做為世界公民的義務。在全球反恐的浪潮以及國際人道援助的行列中,台灣一直沒有缺席。過去這幾年,我們籌設民主太平洋聯盟、成立民主基金會,積極參與國際非政府組織,與地球村的其他成員共同分享並維護自由、民主、人權的普世價值。 
台灣目前是世界第十五大貿易國,各項國際競爭力的評比都名列前茅,我們仍然經過十二年的努力,才得以成為世界貿易組織的第 144 個會員國,其中的艱辛不可言喻。如今,我們仍在鍥而不捨的努力加入世界衛生組織。去年 SARS 疫情蔓延的殷鑑不遠,基於醫療、衛生、防疫無國界以及基本人權的普世價值,台灣理應獲得更公平的對待。

   在此,阿扁呼籲大家,我們更應團結同心,繼續努力,希望在未來兩年之內完成加入世界衛生組織的心願。

   不久之前,歐洲聯盟熱烈的慶祝十個新會員國的加入。歐盟經過數十年的努力,在尊重個別國家及其人民自由意志的選擇之下,成功整合了歐洲人民共同利益的寶貴經驗,對於新世紀的全球局勢產生巨大的影響和衝擊。區域整合不僅是當前、也是未來的趨勢。這種區域整合加上全球化的發展,使得人類社會原有的國家主權原理,乃至於國界的藩籬,都產生結構性的變化。世界大同已經不是遙不可及的夢想。

   海峽兩岸新世紀的領導人,為了創造人民最大的福祉,應該都能前瞻這個新趨勢,並且以全新的思維和格局,共同來面對和處理兩岸未來的問題。

   兩岸人民曾經擁有共同的血緣、文化和歷史背景,過去一個世紀以來也都遭逢強權的欺凌和專制的統治。如今,兩岸人民都有站起來當家作主的堅強意願,這一點應該能夠獲得彼此充分的理解。

   我們可以體會海峽對岸源於歷史情結與民族情感,無法放棄對於「一個中國原則」的堅持。相對的,北京當局也應該要充分瞭解,台灣人民要民主、愛和平、求生存、求發展的堅定信念。如果對岸不能夠體會兩千三百萬人民單純良善的心願,繼續對台灣施加武力的威脅和政治的孤立,無理的將台灣阻絕於國際社會之外,只會讓台灣的民心和海峽的對岸越離越遠。

   中華民國在台澎金馬存在、台灣在國際社會存在的事實,不容許任何人以任何理由加以否定,這就是台灣人民集體意志之所在。過去半個世紀以來,兩千三百萬人民胼手胝足所創造的台灣經驗,不僅印證了中華民國存在的正面價值,也應該是華人社會及兩岸人民的共同資產。

   歷史的緣故讓兩岸發展出相當不同的政治制度和生活方式,但是如果以積極的態度來看待兩岸發展的「異」與「同」,應該可以善加利用,走向進一步合作互惠的關係。台灣是一個完全自由民主的社會,沒有任何個人或政黨可以代替人民做出最後的選擇。如果兩岸之間能夠本於善意,共同營造一個「和平發展、自由選擇」的環境,未來中華民國與中華人民共和國或者台灣與中國之間,將發展任何形式的關係,只要兩千三百萬台灣人民同意,我們都不排除。

   過去十幾年兩岸人民的互動交流,已經發展出極為密切的關係,對於兩岸關係的進展具有重要的價值與意義。未來,我們希望在既有的基礎之上,持續放寬並且擴大兩岸新聞、資訊、教育、文化、經貿交流的相關措施,推動兩岸恢復對話與溝通的管道,如此才能拉近彼此的距離,建立互信的基礎。

   二十一世紀的前二十年,不僅是台灣要全面向上提升的關鍵轉型期,也是中國大陸邁向民主化及自由化的機遇期,雙方的政府理應掌握機會全力打拼,放眼於全球競爭的趨勢,不要再虛耗於政治爭辯的僵局。我們已經注意到,中共的領導人近來一再強調穩定發展的重要,強調十三億大陸人民的福祉,並且選擇「和平崛起」做為拓展國際關係的基調。我們也相信,北京當局應該認知維持台海和平的現狀,對於兩岸各自的發展以及亞太區域穩定的重要性。

   個人深信,唯有兩岸致力於建設與發展,協商建立一個動態的和平穩定互動架構,共同確保台海的現狀不被片面改變,並且進一步推動包括三通在內的文化經貿往來,才能符合兩岸人民的福祉與國際社會的期待。

   身為中華民國的總統,接受台灣人民的付託,個人必須捍衛國家的主權、安全與尊嚴,兼顧國家的永續發展及台海的和平穩定,匯聚全民的意志和共識,妥善處理兩岸未來的關係。今天,個人願意在此重申,公元 2000 年 520 就職演說所揭櫫的原則和承諾,過去四年沒有改變,未來四年也不會改變。在此基礎之上,阿扁將進一步邀集朝野政黨及社會各界共同參與,成立「兩岸和平發展委員會」,凝聚朝野的智慧與全民的共識,擬定「兩岸和平發展綱領」,共同策進兩岸和平穩定、永續發展的新關係。

   各位貴賓、親愛的國人同胞,攤開世界地圖來看,台澎金馬只是太平洋邊的幾個小島,但是如果仔細檢視這些島嶼上美麗的山河、多元的族群、多樣的生態,細數兩千三百萬人民過去幾個世紀所寫下的政治、經濟、文化篇章,你會發現猶如進入一部精彩豐富的百科全書。海洋國家的包容,世界島的開闊,讓這一塊土地上的子民,視野和胸懷隨著地平線無限的延伸。

   台灣的故事所以動人,不是因為天生麗質,而是歷經挫折砥礪、苦難錘鍊之後,所蘊含散發的光彩。這就是「台灣精神」,從我們的祖先一直流傳到我們每一個人的身上。

   如今,歷史的火炬再一次交到阿扁的手上,也握在每一位國人同胞的手中。未來四年,阿扁自我期許能夠做到講誠信、存慈悲、大公無私、中道治國,更希望國人同胞給我支持、給我鞭策。

   阿扁是一個平凡的人,我一直相信,沒有偉大的總統,只有偉大的人民可以成就偉大的國家。援引人民的力量,為民主永續、改革永續、人文永續、和平永續的國家發展奠基,讓台灣中華民國邁向團結和諧、公平正義、富足均衡、生生不息,這是歷史賦予阿扁的責任,也是人民交付的使命。

   今年的 228 ,上百萬的民眾站在福爾摩沙這一塊土地上,不分族群、年齡、性別,手牽著手,築成一座長達五百公里的民主長城,完成一幅最美的台灣圖像。台灣不但要站起來,還要勇敢的走出去,在世界地圖上永續發展、屹立不搖。

   親愛的國人同胞,讓我們一起對土地感恩、向人民致敬!讓我們繼續團結台灣、守護台灣、牽手向前,再一次寫下二十一世紀動人的台灣故事。

   最後,敬祝中華民國國運昌隆!各位鄉親朋友及各位嘉賓健康快樂!謝謝大家!

▲Top


President Chen Shui-bian's Inaugural Speech

Paving the Way for a Sustainable Taiwan

Heads of States, Diplomatic Envoys and Foreign Dignitaries, Distinguished Guests, and Fellow Citizens:

  Firstly, I wish to thank our honorable guests, at home and from abroad, who have joined us today for the Inauguration Ceremony of the 11th-Term President and Vice President of the Republic of China. What we have come together to witness are the progressive steps of Taiwan's democracy, as well as a story, written jointly by the 23 million people of Taiwan—one that is extraordinary and truly remarkable.

  On this joyous occasion of national celebration, I will assume the solemn duty bestowed upon me by the people. At this moment, that which fills my mind is not eloquent words of glory and exaltation, but rather, weighty thoughts of bigger responsibility, greater humility, and deeper self-reflection.

  In the final year of the twentieth century, Taiwan crossed a historic doorsill, completing an unprecedented transfer of power between political parties, and ushering in a new era in our nation's democratic development. In that time of change over—between the old and the new century—our fledgling democracy found itself stumbling down a rugged path of trial and tribulation. Taiwan's maiden voyage into the new century came wrought with turbulence as the old and the new, the weak and the strong, the emergence of crisis and the rise of opportunity—all came clashing into co-existence.

  In the eyes of Chinese societies and other emerging democratic states, Taiwan's democracy embodies not merely a democratic experimentation; it signifies an exemplary success. The standard of democracy achieved in Western nations is the tried result through the test of time. In comparison, Taiwan's newfound democracy, after weathering rough waters, has burgeoned into an even more precious accomplishment. Our experience also serves as testament that democracy does not come ready-made, nor is it a Utopian ideal. There is no express train to transport us to the final destination. Democratic advancement occurs only through constant and gradual endeavor, one step at a time.

  In the initial stage of Taiwan's democratization—from lifting of the martial law, complete re-election of the national legislature to direct presidential election—we have vested sovereignty with the people and began fostering Taiwan's national identity. In the second stage, a greater emphasis is placed on the establishment of a civil society and on the rebuilding of unity through a sense of shared destiny.

  From increased community and civic consciousness to broader participation in public affairs and national policymaking—including the holding of a referendum, the rights and duties of citizens in a civil society have been affirmed and further improved; and thereby, the development towards a more matured, rational, and responsive democracy. We must seek to establish a civil society, and through joint participation and collective efforts, to create an identity with this land and a common memory if we are to transcend the limitations of ethnicity, lineage, language and culture, and to build a new and unified sense of shared destiny.

  In today's society, issues of identity and ethnicity are a serious matter that cannot be denied or deliberately overlooked. My colleagues and I, in the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) as the governing party, will lead the way in addressing such issues. We will take the first step and begin with candid self-reflection.

  It was several hundred years ago that the generations before us traversed the “Black-water Channel” (Taiwan Strait) or crossed the great ocean to find a safe haven in Taiwan. No matter what year they arrived, regardless of their ancestral origins and their mother tongues, even in spite of their different hopes and dreams, all are our forefathers; all have settled down here and together faced a common destiny. Whether indigenous peoples or “new settlers,” expatriates living abroad, foreign spouses or immigrant workers who labor under Taiwan's blazing sun—all have made a unique contribution to this land and each has become an indispensable member of our “New Taiwan” family.

  Various ethnic groups, because of their disparate history and distinctive subcultures, understandably hold divergent views and values. Recognizing such inherent differences, we should embrace one another with more tolerance and understanding. The authoritarian government of the past exploited inequality among different ethnic groups, suppressing native languages and cultures. Nonetheless, we must acknowledge that except for a few individuals in power, members of all ethnic groups have been victimized. The February 28 Incident and the “White Terror,” of which the victims include both the “Ben-sheng” (Taiwanese) and the “Wai-sheng” (Mainlanders), were not historical representations of subjugation by ethnic groups, rather, abuse of power by a ruling government.

  The fabric of Taiwan society today is comprised mainly of diverse immigrant groups. It is not a minority-ruled colonial state; hence, no single ethnic group alone should undeservingly bear the burden of history. Presently, regardless of one's birthplace—be it Guangdong or Taitung, regardless of the origin of one's mother—be it Vietnam or Tainan, and regardless of whether an individual identifies with Taiwan or with the Republic of China, per se , a common destiny has bequeathed upon all of us the same parity and dignity. Therefore, let us relinquish our differentiation between native and foreign, and between minority and majority, for the most complimentary and accurate depiction of present-day Taiwan is of a people “ethnically diverse, but one as a nation.” A shared sense of belonging has become the common denominator among all the 23 million people of Taiwan.

  This year's presidential election was marked by an exceedingly spirited campaign, hitherto unseen in history. The close results have prompted opposition parties to question the process and file legal charges contesting the results of the vote. As the incumbent president, I have, with the utmost sincerity, expressed my highest respect for the independence and fairness of our judicial system. I have also vowed to accept the result of its investigation regardless of the final outcome. It is my firm belief that abiding by and acceptance of the rule of law is the only conduit through which we can resolve conflicts—for, if we were to rebuke the trust placed by the people in Taiwan's democracy and independent judiciaries, then the end result would be that “everyone loses.”

  In a democratic system, scheduled elections are designed for the exercise of sovereignty by the people. They also provide a channel through which popular will and social values can be regularly reassessed. Fierce competition in the realm of politics forces politicians to undergo the most direct form of evaluation, which often serves as their greatest inspiration. My campaign, likewise, was subjected to rather tough scrutiny during the election, as was my administration, but we have learned and improved as a result. In any election, sharp differences among competing political factions are inevitable. This could include contrasting ideologies, disparity in policy platforms, even variation in methods used to mobilize supporters. However, a democratic election is not equal to a “winner takes all” wager; nor should it lead to purposefully fueled antagonism among voters. The checks and balances system of multi-party politics constitutes a solid framework for democratic governance. An accountable governing party and a loyal opposition, together, represent the voice of the people; both are political assets of a free nation and a free people. Be it the governing party or the opposition, their respective roles are inherently bestowed by the people with an opportunity as well as a responsibility.

  In my opinion, the ultimate challenge of this past election lay not as much in garnering a mandate as in the post-election hurdle of how to scale the wall of antagonism, and, in finding ways to reconcile the deep divide caused by distrust. We must not allow the narrow margin of victory to become a source of greater conflict in society. Thus, I hereby pledge to listen, to understand, to abide by laws and reasoning, and to strive to unify the people of Taiwan—so as to dissipate the animosity engendered by the campaign and rebuild a “bridge of trust” between the governing and opposition parties.

  Unite Taiwan, stabilize cross-strait relations, seek social harmony, and reinvigorate the economy. These are the earnest hopes of the people and the preeminent mission of my new administration. But none of these objectives can be accomplished through an individual effort, nor can one political party do it alone. I shall go to the people with my plea for support, just as I stand here today, calling on the opposition parties and the voices of public opinion to join me in this historic endeavor.

  BELIEVE IN TAIWAN —We must continue to foster national competitiveness and cultivate an atmosphere of humanitarianism, environmental protection, and sustainable development. PERSIST WITH REFORM —We shall forge ahead in response to the people's demand for reform in our political and judicial system, in the educational system, and in our financial and fiscal infrastructures; for improvement in the quality of our media; and, for comprehensive social reform. We shall be empowered by our faith in Taiwan; and we shall persevere in striving to achieve our goals. The efforts put forth today will translate into an enduring legacy for the future generations: a just new Taiwan where social justice, economic justice, fairness in our judicial system, gender justice, and international justice are realized.

  In our face-off with increasingly fierce and vigorous competition on the international front, coalescing the power of the people and working expeditiously to enhance the efficiency of government mechanisms—these are tasks vital to Taiwan's sustained development. Yet, we must bear in mind that historic and political circumstances confine us to an existing constitutional framework that now poses the most direct impediment to effective governance.

  The Constitution stands as the supreme legal basis of a nation, symbolizing a paramount contract between the government and the people. Our current Constitution was promulgated under circumstances that were very different from the society we know today, and the majority of the articles in the Constitution no longer address the present—much less the future—needs of Taiwan. The promotion of constitutional re-engineering and the re-establishment of the constitutional order are tasks that correspond with the expectations of the people and are in accordance with the consensus shared by all political parties.

  The constitutional re-engineering project aims to enhance good governance and increase administrative efficiency, to ensure a solid foundation for democratic rule of law, and to foster long-term stability and prosperity of the nation. There are many problems in our current Constitution that need to be tackled, amongst which the more immediate and obvious include: whether to have a three-branch or five-branch separation of power; whether to adopt a presidential or parliamentary system of government; whether the president should be elected by a relative majority or an absolute majority; reform of the national legislature and relevant articles; the role of the National Assembly and its retainment versus abolishment; whether to suspend or abolish the provincial government; lowering of voting age; modification of compulsory military service requirements; protection of basic human rights and the rights of the disadvantaged; and, principles governing the running of the national economy. Indeed, this will be a project of grand scale that is certain to have significant impact.

  To avoid repeating the same mistakes by past administrations—six rounds of constitutional amendments in ten years time—the proposed constitutional reform project must not be monopolized by one person or by a single political party, nor should it be undertaken merely for the short-term. In the future, we will invite members of the ruling party and the opposition parties, as well as legal experts, academic scholars and representatives from all fields and spanning all social classes, to collaborate in forming a “Constitutional Reform Committee.” Our aim will be to generate the highest level of social consensus on the scope and procedure of the constitutional reform, all of which are to be open to public scrutiny.

  By the time I complete my presidency in 2008, I hope to hand to the people of Taiwan and to our country a new version of our Constitution—one that is timely, relevant and viable—this is my historic responsibility and my commitment to the people. In the same context, I am fully aware that consensus has yet to be reached on issues related to national sovereignty, territory and the subject of unification/independence; therefore, let me explicitly propose that these particular issues be excluded from the present constitutional re-engineering project. Procedurally, we shall follow the rules set out in the existing Constitution and its amendments. Accordingly, after the passage by the national legislature, members of the first and also the last Ad Hoc National Assembly will be elected and charged with the task of adopting the constitutional reform proposal as passed by the legislature, abolishing the National Assembly, and incorporating into the Constitution the people's right to referendum on constitutional revision. By so doing, we hope to lay a solid foundation for the long-term development of our constitutional democracy, and the people's right to referendum on legislative proposals for constitutional revision.

  During the last four years, we have witnessed dramatic political and economic changes in the world. Taiwan, in the face of a new international order, must stand firm yet persevere in our ongoing quest to become a better and stronger nation. We must also endeavor to re-position ourselves in equilibrium between global competition and international cooperation.

  Taiwan's long-term friendship with the United States, Japan and our allies in the world has been founded on the safeguarding of our common interests. More importantly, it is an alliance of core values that we share: freedom, democracy, human rights and peace.

  Taiwan's democratic development, and peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait, remains a focal point of international attention. On behalf of our government and people, I would like to once again express our heartfelt gratitude for the friendship that has been extended to us—reminding me of the old adage “together though apart.” The people of Taiwan embrace peace. Needless to say, Taiwan's national security is of greater concern to us than to anyone else in the world. Faced with an ever-increasing military threat from across the Strait, it is imperative for all the people, including political adversaries, to forge a strong will to defend ourselves, proactively strengthening our defense equipment and upgrading our self-defense capabilities. It is our sincere hope that our friends in the international arena will continue to render their valuable attention and assistance to the cause of peace in the Taiwan Strait and stability in the Asia-Pacific Region.

  Taiwan stands ready to continue in its role as active participant and contributor to international society—this is the right of Taiwan's 23 million people; likewise, it is our duty as citizens of the world community. In the global campaign against terrorism, Taiwan has never been absent. In international humanitarian assistance efforts, Taiwan has always been there. Other recent accomplishments include the founding of the Pacific Democratic Alliance and the establishment of the Taiwan Foundation for Democracy. We can show a vigorous record of participation in international non-governmental organizations (NGO's), in addition to our collaboration with other members of the global village in advocacy and defense of the universal values of freedom, democracy and human rights.

  At present, Taiwan is the world's fifteenth largest trading nation, with high rankings in international competitiveness. Yet, it took twelve years of strenuous effort for Taiwan to become the 144th member of the World Trade Organization (WTO). We are still fighting relentlessly to join the World Health Organization (WHO). Last year's outbreak of the SARS epidemic has taught the world a hard lesson, that we are all equals in sickness and disease. Nevertheless, despite the WHO's creed that health care—encompassing medicine, public health and disease control—is a basic human right and should heed no borders, Taiwan remains unjustly locked out.

  Not long ago, the European Union (EU) welcomed the accession of ten new member states. Following several decades of effort, with respect to each individual country and by the free choice of citizens, the EU has successfully integrated the common interests of the people of Europe. Such a valuable experience has far-reaching implications and will impact world order in this new century. From this we see that regional integration is not merely an ongoing but also a future trend. This trend, in addition to globalization, has led to fundamental changes in the conventional thinking of national sovereignty and territorial boundaries, such that envisioning “universal harmony” will no longer be an intangible ideal.

  With the new century upon us, let the leaders on both sides of the Strait, in striving to attain the greatest welfare for their peoples, heed this new trend by adopting a brand new frame of mind—together, let us take a fresh, unparalleled approach in addressing future cross-strait issues.

  The peoples on both sides share a common ancestral, cultural and historical heritage. In the past century, both have endured the repression of foreign powers and the domination of authoritarian rule. Both our peoples now share an indomitable resolve to stand up and be the masters of their own destiny, a sentiment that is worthy of our full, mutual understanding.

  We can understand why the government on the other side of the Strait, in light of historical complexities and ethnic sentiments, cannot relinquish the insistence on the “One China Principle.” By the same token, the Beijing authorities must understand the deep conviction held by the people of Taiwan to strive for democracy, to love peace, to pursue their dreams free from threat, and, to embrace progress. But if the other side is unable to comprehend that this honest and simple wish represents the aspiration of Taiwan's 23 million people, if it continues to threaten Taiwan with military force, if it persists in isolating Taiwan diplomatically, if it keeps up irrational efforts to blockade Taiwan's rightful participation in the international arena, this will only serve to drive the hearts of the Taiwanese people further away and widen the divide in the Strait.

  The Republic of China now exists in Taiwan, Penghu (The Pescadores), Kinmen and Matsu. This is a fact. Taiwan's existence as a member of international society is also a fact. Such realities cannot be negated by anyone for any reason—for therein lies the collective will of the people of Taiwan. A half century of toil and labor by the people of this land has culminated in what is now known as the “Taiwan Experience,” the fruits of which validate the existence of the Republic of China and, what is more, have become the proud assets, not only of the peoples on both sides of the Taiwan Strait, but of all Chinese societies.

  History has given rise to the development of two very different political systems as well as two dissimilar ways of life on either side of the Taiwan Strait. However, if we make a concerted effort to find some positive aspect of our differences and commonalities, perhaps we shall discover a wonderful opportunity, a catalyst for building a cooperative and mutually beneficial relationship. Taiwan is a completely free and democratic society. Neither single individual nor political party can make the ultimate choice for the people. If both sides are willing, on the basis of goodwill, to create an environment engendered upon “peaceful development and freedom of choice,” then in the future, the Republic of China and the People's Republic of China—or Taiwan and China—can seek to establish relations in any form whatsoever. We would not exclude any possibility, so long as there is the consent of the 23 million people of Taiwan.

  For more than a decade, interaction between the peoples on both sides has grown closer and more intense. This development bears great significance and increases the importance of furthering cross-strait relations. In the future, we hope to continue pushing forth current liberalization measures while expanding cross-strait exchange across the spectrum—from journalism and information to education and culture, to economics and trade—and to promote the establishment of channels for resuming cross-strait dialogue and communication. By building bridges, we will aim to close gaps and establish a foundation for mutual trust.

  The first two decades of this century will be a crucial time for Taiwan to pursue a comprehensive program of upgrading and transformation; it also represents an opportune moment in history for Mainland China to move forward with democratization and liberalization. Therefore, governments on both sides should seize this timely opportunity to take on the challenges of global competition, advocating for progress and development instead of dwelling on the impasse of political debate. We have taken note that Chinese Communist Party leaders repeatedly emphasize the importance of steady development for the welfare of Mainland China's 1.3 billion people, hence, the espousal of “peaceful emergence” as its tone for developing international relations. We have no doubt the Beijing authorities recognize that maintaining the peacefulstatus quo in the Taiwan Strait is of vital importance to sustainable development for our respective sides and for the stability of the Asia-Pacific region as a whole.

  It is my belief that both sides must demonstrate a dedicated commitment to national development, and through consultation, establish a dynamic “peace and stability framework” for interactions; that we must work together to guarantee there will be no unilateral change to the status quo in the Taiwan Strait; and, additionally, we must further promote cultural, economic and trade exchanges—including the three links—for only in so doing can we ensure the welfare of our peoples while fulfilling the expectations of the international community.

  As the President of the Republic of China, I have been mandated by the people of Taiwan to defend the sovereignty, security and dignity of this nation, to chart our country's sustainable development, to safeguard peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait, to seek consensus and garner the collective support of all the people, and to carefully manage future relations across the Strait. Today I would like to reaffirm the promises and principles set forth in my inaugural speech in 2000. Those commitments have been honored—they have not changed over the past four years, nor will they change in the next four years. Upon this foundation, my next step will be to invite both the governing and opposition parties, in conjunction with representatives from various walks of the society, to participate in the establishment of a “Committee for Cross-Strait Peace and Development,” combining the collective insight and wisdom of all parties and our citizenry, to draft the “Guidelines for Cross-Strait Peace and Development.” The goal will be to pave the way for formulating a new relationship of cross-strait peace, stability and sustainable development.

  Honorable guests and fellow citizens, if we look at a map of the world, Taiwan, Penghu, Kinmen and Matsu may seem like a tiny cluster of islands in the margins of the Pacific Rim. However, if you take a closer look, what you will discover are orchestral mountain ranges, painted with singing rivers, adorning some of the world's most bountiful ecological landscapes. Amidst the lush forestry and abundant wildlife, there is a human chain linking together 23 million warm smiles descended from an ethnic rainbow, with a history that spans across centuries and reflects a myriad of cultural heritage juxtaposed with political evolution and economic transformation— enough to fill an encyclopedia. Taiwan is a tolerant, oceanic country, a small but proud island connected to all corners of the world. Galvanizing these attributes will empower us to expand our visions and unleash our minds far beyond the horizon.

  The story of Taiwan touches people's hearts. But, what inspires awe, more than its natural beauty, is the coloring that reflects the triumphant experience of overcoming hardship, trials and tribulations. This is the “Spirit of Taiwan,” a gift passed through the generations, a glow which emits from the faces of the Taiwan people.

  Now, the torch of history has once again been passed into my hand; each of you also holds the torch in your hands. I have set a goal for myself, that, during the next four years, I will continue to uphold the principles of sincerity and honesty, compassion and benevolence, unselfishness and impartiality in leading our country down the “middle road.” I ask my fellow compatriots to stand by me in this endeavor. I will be counting on your support and encouragement.

  I am just an ordinary man. I have always believed that there is no such thing as a great president, for only a great people can create a great country. Fueled by the power of the people, let us work together. Together, let us lay the foundation for our long-term national development—for sustainable democracy, sustainable reforms, sustainable humanities, and sustainable peace. Let Taiwan, the Republic of China, work toward solidarity and harmony, fairness and justice, prosperity and equality. History has endowed upon me this responsibility. It is a mission entrusted to me by the people.

  On February 28 of this year, more than one million people stood on the land of Formosa, irrespective of ethnic affiliation, age, or gender. Hand in hand, they formed a mesmerizing “wall of democracy” some five hundred kilometers long, spanning the full length of the island and completing a breathtaking portrait of Taiwan. The time has come for Taiwan to stand tall, to reach out with courage and conviction. Let us mark a sustainable and firm place in the world.

  My fellow citizens, let us be thankful for this land and let us pay tribute to the greatness of the people. We must unite for the sake of Taiwan. Together, we must defend our Taiwan, as we stride proudly forward into the twenty-first century. Once again let us hand-in-hand author the next chapter in this most inspirational story of twenty-first-century Taiwan.

  Finally, let us wish the Republic of China great prosperity. And to all my fellow citizens, dear friends and honorable guests, may health and happiness be with you always.

  Thank you.


2000年陳水扁總統就職演說-Good!

中華民國第十任總統就職演說

中華民國89年05月20日

主題 : 台灣站起來--迎接向上提升的新時代

各位友邦元首、各位貴賓、各位親愛的海內外同胞:

這是一個光榮的時刻,也是一個莊嚴而充滿希望的時刻。

感謝遠道而來的各位嘉賓,以及全世界熱愛民主、關心台灣的朋友,與我們一起分享此刻的榮耀。

我們今天在這裡,不只是為了慶祝一個就職典禮,而是為了見證得來不易的民主價值,見證一個新時代的開始。

在二十一世紀來臨的前夕,台灣人民用民主的選票完成了歷史性的政黨輪替。這不僅是中華民國歷史上的第一次,更是全球華人社會劃時代的里程碑。台灣不只為亞洲的民主經驗樹立了新典範,也為全世界第三波的民主潮流增添了一個感人的例證。

中華民國第十任總統選舉的過程讓全世界清楚的看到,自由民主的果實如此得來不易。兩千三百萬人民以無比堅定的意志,用愛弭平敵意、以希望克服威脅、用信心戰勝了恐懼。

我們用神聖的選票向全世界證明,自由民主是顛撲不滅的普世價值,追求和平更是人類理性的最高目標。

公元2000年台灣總統大選的結果,不是個人的勝利或政黨的勝利,而是人民的勝利、民主的勝利。因為,我們在舉世注目的焦點中,一起超越了恐懼、威脅和壓迫,勇敢的站起來!

台灣站起來,展現著理性的堅持和民主的信仰。

台灣站起來,代表著人民的自信和國家的尊嚴。

台灣站起來,象徵著希望的追求和夢想的實現。

親愛的同胞,讓我們永遠記得這一刻,永遠記得珍惜和感恩,因為民主的成果並非憑空而來,而是走過艱難險阻、歷經千辛萬苦才得以實現。如果沒有民主前輩們前仆後繼的無畏犧牲、沒有千萬人民對於自由民主的堅定信仰,我們今天就不可能站在自己親愛的土地上,慶祝這一個屬於全民的光榮盛典。

今天,我們彷彿站在一座嶄新的歷史門前。台灣人民透過民主錘鍊的過程,為我們共同的命運打造了一把全新的鑰匙。新世紀的希望之門即將開啟。我們如此謙卑,但絕不退縮。我們充滿自信,但沒有絲毫自滿。

從三月十八日選舉結果揭曉的那一刻開始,阿扁以最嚴肅而謙卑的心情接受全民的付託,誓言必將竭盡個人的心力、智慧和勇氣,來承擔國家未來的重責大任。

個人深切的瞭解,政黨輪替、政權和平轉移的意義絕對不只是「換人換黨」的人事更替,更不是「改朝換代」的權力轉移,而是透過民主的程序,把國家和政府的權力交還給人民。人民才是國家真正的主人,不是任何個人或政黨所能佔有;政府是為人民而存在的,從國家元首到基層公務員都是全民的公僕。

政黨輪替並不代表對於過去的全盤否定。歷來的執政者為國家人民的付出,我們都應該給予公正的評價。李登輝先生過去十二年主政期間所推動的民主改革與卓越政績,也應該獲得國人最高的推崇與衷心的感念。

在選舉的過程中,台灣社會高度動員、積極參與,儘管有不同的主張和立場,但是每一個人為了政治理念和國家前途挺身而出的初衷是一樣的。我們相信,選舉的結束是和解的開始,激情落幕之後應該是理性的抬頭。在國家利益與人民福祉的最高原則之下,未來不論是執政者或在野者,都應該能不負人民的付託、善盡本身的職責,實現政黨政治公平競爭、民主政治監督制衡的理想。

一個公平競爭、包容信任的民主社會,是國家進步的最大動能。在國家利益高於政黨利益的基礎之上,我們應該凝聚全民的意志與朝野的共識,著手推動國家的進步改革。

「全民政府、清流共治」是阿扁在選舉期間對人民的承諾,也是台灣社會未來要跨越斷層、向上提升的重要關鍵。

「全民政府」的精神在於「政府是為人民而存在的」,人民是國家的主人和股東,政府的施政必須以多數的民意為依歸。人民的利益絕對高於政黨的利益和個人的利益。

阿扁永遠以身為民主進步黨的黨員為榮,但是從宣誓就職的這一刻開始,個人將以全部的心力做好「全民總統」的角色。正如同全民新政府的組成,我們用人唯才、不分族群、不分性別、不分黨派,未來的各項施政也都必須以全民的福祉為目標。

「清流共治」的首要目標是要掃除黑金、杜絕賄選。長期以來,台灣社會黑白不分、黑道金權介入政治的情況已經遭致台灣人民的深惡痛絕。基層選舉買票賄選的文化,不僅剝奪了人民「選賢與能、當家作主」的權利,更讓台灣的民主發展蒙上污名。

今天,阿扁願意在此承諾,新政府將以最大的決心來消除賄選、打擊黑金,讓台灣社會徹底擺脫向下沈淪的力量,讓清流共治向上提升,還給人民一個清明的政治環境。

在活力政府的改造方面,面對日益激烈的全球化競爭,為了確保台灣的競爭力,我們必須建立一個廉潔、效能、有遠見、有活力、有高度彈性和應變力的新政府。「大有為」政府的時代已經過去,取而代之的應該是與民間建立夥伴關係的「小而能」政府。我們應該加速精簡政府的職能與組織,積極擴大民間扮演的角色。如此不僅可以讓民間的活力盡情發揮,也能大幅減輕政府的負擔。

同樣的夥伴關係也應該建立在中央與地方政府之間。我們要打破過去中央集權又集錢的威權心態,落實「地方能做、中央不做」的地方自治精神,讓地方與中央政府一起共享資源、一起承擔責任。無論東西南北、不分本島離島,都能夠獲得均衡多元的發展,拉近城鄉之間的距離。

當然,我們也應該瞭解,政府不是一切問題的答案,人民才是經濟發展與社會進步的原動力。過去半個世紀以來,台灣人民靠著胼手胝足的努力創造了舉世稱羨的經濟奇蹟,也奠定了中華民國生存發展的命脈。如今,面對資訊科技日新月異以及貿易自由化的衝擊,台灣的產業發展必然要走向知識經濟的時代,高科技的產業必須不斷創新,傳統的產業也必然要轉型升級。

未來的政府並不一定要繼續扮演過去「領導者」和「管理者」的角色,反而應該像民間企業所期待的,政府是「支援者」和「服務者」。現代政府的責任在於提高行政的效能、改善國內的投資環境、維持金融秩序與股市的穩定,讓經濟的發展透過公平的競爭走向完全的自由化和國際化。循此原則,民間的活力自然能夠蓬勃興盛,再創下一個階段的經濟奇蹟。

除了鞏固民主的成果、推動政府的改造、提昇經濟的競爭力之外,新政府的首要施政目標應該是順應民意、厲行改革,讓這一塊土地上的人民生活得更有尊嚴、更有自信、更有品質。讓我們的社會不僅安全、和諧、富裕,也要符合公平正義。讓我們的下一代在充滿希望與快樂的教育環境中學習,培養國民不斷成長的競爭力。

二十一世紀將是強調「生活者權利」、「精緻化生活」的時代。舉凡與人民生活息息相關的治安改善、社會福利、環保生態、國土規劃、垃圾處理、河川整治、交通整頓、社區營造等問題,政府都必須提出一套解決方案,並透過公權力徹底加以落實。

當前我們必須立即提昇的是治安改善與環境保護這兩大生活品質的重要指標。建立社會新秩序,讓所有的老百姓都能安居樂業,生活沒有恐懼。在生態保育與經濟發展之間取得相容的平衡點,讓台灣成為永續發展的綠色矽島。

司法的尊嚴是民主政治與社會正義的堅強防線。一個公正、獨立的司法體系不僅是社會秩序的維護者,也是人民權益的捍衛者。目前司法的改革還有一段很長的路要走,國人必須繼續給予司法界嚴格的督促與殷切的期盼,在此同時,我們也應該節制行政權力,還給司法獨立運作、不受干擾的空間。

台灣最重要的資源是人力的資源,人才是國家競爭力的根本,教育是「藏富於民」的百年大計。我們將儘速凝聚朝野、學界與民間的共識,持續推動教改的希望工程,建立健康、積極、活潑、創新的教育體制,使台灣在激烈的國際競爭力之下,源源不斷地培育一流、優秀的人才。讓台灣社會逐漸走向「學習型組織」和「知識型社會」,鼓舞人民終身學習、求新求變,充分發揮個人的潛力與創造力。

目前在全國各地普遍發展的草根性社區組織,包括對地方歷史、人文、地理、生態的探索和維護,展現了人文台灣由下而上的民間活力。不管是地方文化、庶民文化或者精緻文化,都是台灣文化整體的一部份。台灣因為特殊的歷史與地理緣故,蘊含了最豐美多樣的文化元素,但是文化建設無法一蹴可幾,而是要靠一點一滴的累積。我們必須敞開心胸、包容尊重,讓多元族群與不同地域的文化相互感通,讓立足台灣的本土文化與華人文化、世界文化自然接軌,創造「文化台灣、世紀維新」的新格局。

去年發生的九二一大地震,讓我們心愛的土地和同胞歷經前所未有的浩劫,傷痛之深至今未能癒合。新政府對於災區的重建工作刻不容緩,包括產業的復甦和心靈的重建,必須做到最後一人的照顧、最後一處的重建完成為止。在此,我們也要對於災後救援與重建過程中,充滿大愛、無私奉獻的所有個人與民間團體,再次表達最高的敬意。在大自然的惡力中,我們看到了台灣最美的慈悲、最強的信念、最大的信任!九二一震災讓同胞受傷跌倒,但是在「志工台灣」的精神中,台灣新家庭一定會重新堅強的站起來!

親愛的同胞,四百年前,台灣因為璀麗的山川風貌被世人稱為「福爾摩沙──美麗之島」。今天,因為這一塊土地上的人民所締造的歷史新頁,台灣重新展現了「民主之島」的風采,再次吸引了全世界的目光。

我們相信,以今日的民主成就加上科技經貿的實力,中華民國一定可以繼續在國際社會中扮演不可或缺的角色。除了持續加強與友邦的實質外交關係之外,我們更要積極參與各種非政府的國際組織。透過人道關懷、經貿合作與文化交流等各種方式,積極參與國際事務,擴大台灣在國際的生存空間,並且回饋國際社會。

除此之外,我們也願意承諾對於國際人權的維護做出更積極的貢獻。中華民國不能也不會自外於世界人權的潮流,我們將遵守包括「世界人權宣言」、「公民與政治權利國際公約」以及維也納世界人權會議的宣言和行動綱領,將中華民國重新納入國際人權體系。

新政府將敦請立法院通過批准「國際人權法典」,使其國內法化,成為正式的「台灣人權法典」。我們希望實現聯合國長期所推動的主張,在台灣設立獨立運作的國家人權委員會,並且邀請國際法律人委員會和國際特赦組織這兩個卓越的非政府人權組織,協助我們落實各項人權保護的措施,讓中華民國成為二十一世紀人權的新指標。

我們堅信,不管在任何一個時代、在地球的任何一個角落,自由、民主、人權的意義和價值都不能被漠視或改變。

二十世紀的歷史留給人類一個最大的教訓,那就是──戰爭是人類的失敗。不論目的何在、理由多麼冠冕堂皇,戰爭都是對自由、民主、人權最大的傷害。

過去一百多年來,中國曾經遭受帝國主義的侵略,留下難以抹滅的歷史傷痕。台灣的命運更加坎坷,曾經先後受到強權的欺凌和殖民政權的統治。如此相同的歷史遭遇,理應為兩岸人民之間的相互諒解,為共同追求自由、民主、人權的決心,奠下厚實的基礎。然而,因為長期的隔離,使得雙方發展出截然不同的政治制度和生活方式,從此阻斷了兩岸人民以同理心互相對待的情誼,甚至因為隔離而造成了對立的圍牆。

如今,冷戰已經結束,該是兩岸拋棄舊時代所遺留下來的敵意與對立的時候了。我們無須再等待,因為此刻就是兩岸共創和解時代的新契機。

海峽兩岸人民源自於相同的血緣、文化和歷史背景,我們相信雙方的領導人一定有足夠的智慧與創意,秉持民主對等的原則,在既有的基礎之上,以善意營造合作的條件,共同來處理未來「一個中國」的問題。

本人深切瞭解,身為民選的中華民國第十任總統,自當恪遵憲法,維護國家的主權、尊嚴與安全,確保全體國民的福祉。因此,只要中共無意對台動武,本人保證在任期之內,不會宣佈獨立,不會更改國號,不會推動兩國論入憲,不會推動改變現狀的統獨公投,也沒有廢除國統綱領與國統會的問題。

歷史證明,戰爭只會引來更多的仇恨與敵意,絲毫無助於彼此關係的發展。中國人強調王霸之分,相信行仁政必能使「近者悅、遠者來」、「遠人不服,則修文德以來之」的道理。這些中國人的智慧,即使到了下一個世紀,仍然是放諸四海皆準的至理名言。

大陸在鄧小平先生與江澤民先生的領導下,創造了經濟開放的奇蹟;而台灣在半個世紀以來,不僅創造了經濟奇蹟,也締造了民主的政治奇蹟。在此基礎上,兩岸的政府與人民若能多多交流,秉持「善意和解、積極合作、永久和平」的原則,尊重人民自由意志的選擇,排除不必要的種種障礙,海峽兩岸必能為亞太地區的繁榮與穩定做出重大的貢獻,也必將為全體人類創造更輝煌的東方文明。

親愛的同胞,我們多麼希望海內外的華人都能親身體驗、共同分享這一刻的動人情景。眼前開闊的凱達格蘭大道,數年之前仍然戒備森嚴;在我身後的這棟建築,曾經是殖民時代的總督府。今天,我們齊聚在這裡,用土地的樂章和人民的聲音來歌頌民主的光榮喜悅。如果用心體會,海內外同胞應該都能領悟這一刻所代表的深遠意義──

威權和武力只能讓人一時屈服,民主自由才是永垂不朽的價值。

唯有服膺人民的意志,才能開拓歷史的道路、打造不朽的建築。

今天,阿扁以一個佃農之子、貧寒的出身,能夠在這一塊土地上奮鬥成長,歷經挫折與考驗,終於贏得人民的信賴,承擔起領導國家的重責大任。個人的成就如此卑微,但其中隱含的寓意卻彌足可貴。因為,每一位福爾摩沙的子民都和阿扁一樣,都是「台灣之子」。不論在多麼艱困的環境中,台灣都像至愛無私的母親,從不間斷的賜予我們機會,帶領我們實現美好的夢想。

台灣之子的精神啟示著我們:儘管台澎金馬只是太平洋邊的蕞爾小島,只要兩千三百萬同胞不畏艱難、攜手向前,我們夢想的地圖將會無限遠大,一直延伸到地平線的盡頭。

親愛的同胞,這一刻的光榮屬於全體人民,所有的恩典都要歸於台灣──我們永遠的母親。讓我們一起對土地感恩、向人民致敬。自由民主萬歲!

台灣人民萬歲!

敬祝中華民國國運昌隆!全國同胞和各位嘉賓健康愉快!